Yazidis are dying of thirst in the mountains
of Iraq and the US just bombed Iraq. Again.
And so our sympathies flutter from the horrors
of Gaza with its charred and disfigured children innocent of any crime but of
being born Palestinian, to a fresh paradigm of horrific violence equally
callously perpetrated in the name of religious supremacy and superiority; it
takes a cold heart to pause and reflect on the sheer level of depravity in the
face of the typhoon of emotion sweeping the globe (from both perspectives, I
might add). Yet that is what is needed, perhaps all that is
needed, from us. And the United Nations Security Council. Advocates of the
responsibility to protect doctrine would choke on their Fairtrade coffee and
granola bars to hear such words being espoused, but I would urge you, fellow
humanitarians, to bear with me momentarily as I explain.
Working at the UNHQ in New York in 2008 on the
Iraq Team of the Department of Political Affairs, I participated in and
researched for numerous meetings with the different Iraqi factions and
representatives, including the Kurdish Regional Government and Presidential
meetings with Jalal Talibani. Some things have changed- for example, the
Peshmerga are now friends with Iraqi PM Maliki, albeit a marriage of
convenience. Some things have not- Maliki is still in power, for one, but more
importantly (do I “caps lock” this?) religious minorities are still
dying. Christians are still fleeing to the same hills they fled to in 2008,
this time from Qaraqosh, only 30km from Mosul from which they fled back then.
Six years ago this exact thing happened: different shooters, same victim. A
more Ibsenesque story could not have been composed fictionally. The situation
has not changed sufficiently; clearly, something has gone wrong here, but let
us not point the figure too quickly at the UN. Many’s the time I sat astonished
at the sheer impotence of the leviathan that is the UN slouching towards
Baghdad to birth yet another mission; in response, I was told that the UN acts
as facilitator for dialogue, not catalyst for action. Disillusioned though I
was then, now I realise the follies of my youth.
I am not about to take a leaf out of the Sino-Russian
“Security Council playbook” and try to convince you that intervention in the
domestic affairs of a sovereign State is wrong – far from it; nor would I claim
that the principle behind the establishment of an International Criminal Court
to try the most heinous of crimes is superfluous, though it is almost
self-defeating in its purpose; nor would I deem it just to permit thousands if
not millions of civilians in a State with strategic and/or economic importance
(read: Syria, Zimbabwe) to be brutally oppressed without hope of light at the
end of the tunnel. My objection to UN-authorised intervention in Iraq is
simple: the solution cannot be to simply look to the UN to solve the internal
problems of sovereign nations.
The Security Council is not the Pez-dispenser
of panaceas, despite the image it has worked hard to craft against the backdrop
of the dramatic language of the UN Charter: “primary responsibility”, “maintain
or restore international peace and security” and “urgent military measures” are
accompanied with imaginary French horns and ominous military drums. The decades
have seen the Council stretch the definition of “peace and security” like dough
in the hands of a skilled pizza-maker; slowly encroaching on the domestic
jurisdiction of States and the domain of sibling organs such as the ICJ, the
Council is the Japanese knotweed of international organs. Yes, today peace and
security is the master key that can open any door the Council wishes. But even
if the Council wanted to intervene in Iraq now, should it?
“Nevermind”, come the calls, “that the US and
UK did not wipe their feet and use the key last time they went into Iraq,
preferring to creep round and kick in the back door like they were Zimmerman
responding to gunfire that turned out to be an OAP watching a late-night Steven
Segal movie – the world is looking to the Security Council to act now!”
Indeed. What is happening in Iraq is heinous,
it is humanly unacceptable, it is too abhorrent for words. But is military
intervention the way? There will be those who claim that “violence is the only
language I.S. speak”; perhaps this is true. So let the world once again put on
army fatigues and trudge towards the Levant. But then what? In 2008, the Sahwa
in Iraq – on the payroll of the US (for better or worse) were instrumental in
the destruction of Al-Qaeda in Iraq; in 2010, after the MNF-I pull-out, the
Shiite Maliki distrusted the Sunni Sahwa and failed to incorporate them into
the ranks of the Iraqi military – their numbers waned whilst I.S. counts over
3000 Iraqi fighters alone – and growing. Maliki’s paranoia has been key in the
downfall of the country: Moody Maliki does not play well with others.
At all costs, Iraq must not be reduced to
another failed pitch on a UN Dragon’s Den;
playing the long game requires dedication, tenacity, selflessness and the
implementation of excruciatingly hard decisions at the Iraqi government level.
You thought Israel was hard with its Christians, Muslims and Jews? Try dividing
those Muslims into Shiite and Sunnis, adding to the Christians some
Zoroastrians and Yazidis and then introduce Kurds and different tribal
affiliations to the melting pot. I imagine it’s like trying to pat your head
and rub your belly on crack. So any Iraqi leader needs to be on point 25 hours
a day; Maliki – who incidentally is not only PM but also acting Interior
Minister, Defence Minister and Security Affairs Minister – is not quite the
Atlas it takes to hold up the weight of the role. And, of course, that leaves
the UN, right?
Wrong. Against the backdrop of double vetoes
in the Council on Syria, it is also almost impossible to foresee any mandated
action by the UN organ; yes, none of us
want another Rwanda in Iraq but remember that the reason the Council sat on its
hands in 1994 was that no one wanted another Somalia in Rwanda. P5, hollow be
thy name, thy will be done. Add to this the dissipation in large part of the
wave of xenophobic terror and Fox News style “fear the brown people” mentality
that fuelled support for the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the “fool me
once” logic in the UK and support for full-intervention at the grassroots
domestic level plummets to numbers lower than a Bush IQ test. So we can establish
that the Council and its members will not fully intervene. Pragmatic though
this may be, it does not answer the more
philosophical question on whether the Council should intervene.
If we are to learn anything from the recent
failed interventions in Libya and Iraq (twice!), then an international response
along military lines cannot be permitted. International Criminal Court critics
will know the mantra “African solutions, for African problems” (the
geographical lean of this sentence is deliberate); similarly, domestic and
regional issues must be solved with domestic and regional solutions. This
author fails to see how foreign airstrikes are a valid option when the Iraqi
Air Force has weaponised aircraft at its disposal, which it put to use in
defence of the Peshmerga in June 2014 for the first time; the world, too,
remains deadly silent on the Syrian airstrikes on I.S. fighters on the
Iraq/Syria border that were “welcomed” by PM Maliki. Why is the Iraqi air force
incapable of solving this issue by itself? Yet again, Captain America swoops in
to save the day: Iraqi: “No, no, it’s fine I got this”, C.A.: “Listen, I flew
all the way from Washington for this- I’m dropping some
goddamn bombs”. This latest move by the US seems to be a Crocodile Dundee case
of “you think that’s a knife?” Or perhaps it’s just to detract from their
recent renewal of the Iron Dome funding…but that’s none of my business.
You will, of course, be waiting for my closing
remarks, in which I insightfully remedy the situation in one fell swoop with
logical perfection of sniper-like precision. Well, there is none. But that’s
exactly the point. There is no easy solution to the situation
in Iraq. Nor is there an easy solution to the situation in Syria. But the two
are inextricably linked, though not mutually solvable; that is to say, tackling
the situation in Syria and strengthening the offensive from the Syrian side
might just allow a strategic advantage in the offensive against the I.S. in Iraq.
Syrian-Iraqi cooperation is well-documented and historically supported; PM
Maliki lived in Syria for 20 years and outgoing President Talibani held a
Syrian passport until 2004. Ok, they may have had a lovers’ quarrel in recent
years but if Maliki can help Peshmerga and Kurds, then there must be a way to
join forces against I.S. Whatever the efforts, they must be organic and cannot be
transposed from abroad, for there is one guaranteed way to make things worse –
more foreign military intervention.
An international rendition of the opening of
2001: A Space Odyssey, bombing the “cake” out of Iraq will not put an end to
the I.S. movement; the notion that a solution can be rolled off a production
line and air-lifted over to Iraq is as facile and misleading today as it was in
2003 and even 1990, not to mention supportive of the crux of fundamentalist
ideology in combat of a Western hegemony. This mentality has been to Al-Qaeda
and I.S. what the Israeli shelling has been to Hamas: a recruitment drive. Let
us not forget the inevitable civilian casualties that will accompany a renewed
military offensive, analogous to what we as an international community have
been so quick to condemn of the Israeli offensive in Gaza. This in turn fuels
new ranks of vengeful factions and a new threat is created; it simply,
unequivocally cannot continue- the cycle must be broken and all States must be
permitted their own difficult, painful and deeply sad catharsis. Iraq needs to
cut its own path and wean itself from the teat of Western assistance when it
stumbles. Is it ugly? Yes. Is it brutal?
Perhaps. But it is realistic and the factual, cold, hard truth: if the UN
intervenes too far in Iraq, or indeed in Syria, the ensuing results will be
even more catastrophic. Iraq won’t be fixed with some gaffer tape and an
episode of MacGyver. How have we not learnt our lessons from Iraq in 2003? Or
Libya in 2011? The current calamities in both these countries are a direct
result of policies of foreign intervention and IKEA flat-pack democracies.
Intervention is simply not the solution, despite the best intentions of the
international community, picketing the UN and tweeting the US and UK to
"do something". “Do what?” “I dunno- bomb them?”
In the words of Vikram Seth, “God save us from
people who mean well.”
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